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Showing posts tagged capitalism

I mean, for-profit hospitals are just so obviously a bad idea

I don’t even know what to say about this:

Based in part on surreptitious tape recordings, an FBI affidavit lays out allegations that a Sacred Heart pulmonologist kept patients too sedated to breathe on their own, then ordered unneeded tracheotomies for them — enabling the for-profit hospital to reap revenue of as much as $160,000 per case.

 Ain’t capitalism grand?

 


The Myanmar people missed out on billions of dollars of worldwide advertising during those 60 years. All the great Coke ad campaigns — “I’d like to buy the world a Coke,” Mean Joe Green, the Real Thing, and those cute polar bears didn’t make an impact on a country that was suffering under a brutal military regime.

NPR, “How to Sell Coke to People Who Have Never Had a Sip

I knew Myanmar was pretty bad, what with the authoritarian junta in power and all, but no Coca-Cola polar bear ads? That must have been intolerable for the Burmese.



What good is it to save the planet if humanity suffers?

Exxon CEO Rex Tillerson, at the annual shareholders’ meeting. The shareholders rejected a proposal to set goals on curbing carbon emissions.

Also, the shareholders rejected a proposal to ban discrimination against gays. Rex Tillerson was also the National President of the Boy Scouts of America recently, and during his tenure the Scouts were quite adamant about their ban on gays, although they’ve softened since he left the position.

Anyways, if you needed someone to be today’s biggest asshole, he’s my nomination.



National Review explains why children should go hungry

Dennis Prager at National Review wrote an article on the Los Angeles Unified School District’s free breakfast program a little while ago that reads like some over-the-top parody of a rich white guy telling the undeserving poor they’ve got it too good. I don’t know what type of person reads this sort of crap and feels good about themselves for it, but there’s certainly assholes out there.

His unhinged screed isn’t particularly interesting, standard reactionary fare, but reason #4 that a free breakfast is the first stop on the express train to the gulag gets at an interesting point:

And fourth, the free breakfast profoundly weakens young people’s character. When you grow up learning to depend on the state, you will almost inevitably — even understandably — assume that the state will take care of you. And you will grow up also assuming — as do Europeans, who give far less to charity than Americans for this very reason — that the state will take care of your fellow citizens, including your own children.

 The thing is, he’s talking about school children. If the school (oh, sorry, The State) wasn’t wasn’t providing the kids with a breakfast, it’s not like they’d be out there earning their way in life. Their parents would be making it.  The state must not take care of anyone, so that they grow up learning to depend on their families.That’s the lesson he wants kids to learn, to accept a society where the wealth of one’s parents determines what kind of life one has. It’s a straight-up feudal vision of the world, where preserving inherited wealth and privilege is the cornerstone of society. We musn’t let the peasants think they have any expectation of rising above their station in life.

 


Well, we’ve got no time for excuses. Not because the bitter legacy of slavery and segregation have vanished entirely; they have not. Not because racism and discrimination no longer exist; we know those are still out there. It’s just that in today’s hyperconnected, hypercompetitive world, with millions of young people from China and India and Brazil — many of whom started with a whole lot less than all of you did — all of them entering the global workforce alongside you, nobody is going to give you anything that you have not earned.

Nobody cares how tough your upbringing was. Nobody cares if you suffered some discrimination. And moreover, you have to remember that whatever you’ve gone through, it pales in comparison to the hardships previous generations endured — and they overcame them. And if they overcame them, you can overcome them, too.

But if you stay hungry, if you keep hustling, if you keep on your grind and get other folks to do the same — nobody can stop you.

From President Obama’s commencement address at Morehouse College. Well, that’s inspirational. Work harder. Overcome the systemic racism of American society on your own. If you keep at it, you can compete in a global race to the bottom in wages and working conditions. So stop making excuses. Christ, do we have to use the language of global capitalism to describe even our dreams and aspirations?

Ta-Nehisi Coates has more on how Obama talks to black audiences:

Taking the full measure of the Obama presidency thus far, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that this White House has one way of addressing the social ills that afflict black people — and particularly black youth — and another way of addressing everyone else. I would have a hard time imagining the president telling the women of Barnard that “there’s no longer room for any excuses” — as though they were in the business of making them. Barack Obama is, indeed, the president of “all America,” but he also is singularly the scold of “black America.” 

Also, see Corey Robin for a comparison with LBJ’s language at Howard University in 1965.



If, on the other hand, we stop taking world leaders at their word and instead think of neoliberalism as a political project, it suddenly looks spectacularly effective. The politicians, CEOs, trade bureaucrats, and so forth who regularly meet at summits like Davos or the G20 may have done a miserable job in creating a world capitalist economy that meets the needs of a majority of the world’s inhabitants (let alone produces hope, happiness, security, or meaning), but they have succeeded magnificently in convincing the world that capitalism—and not just capitalism, but exactly the financialized, semifeudal capitalism we happen to have right now—is the only viable economic system. If you think about it, this is a remarkable accomplishment.
David Graeber, “A Practical Utopian’s Guide to the Coming Collapse” in the latest issue of The Baffler


According to Kalecki, there is nothing in the mechanics of advanced capitalism which make long-run growth inevitable. However, two semi-exogenous factors interact to produce patterns of long-run economic change. The first is innovation, which Kalecki defined to include not only technological progress per se, but also the introduction of new goods, the opening up of new markets, organisational changes, and so on. This obviously has a positive effect: the higher the intensity of innovation, the higher the rate of growth of the economy. The other, constraining factor is “rentier savings”, that is, savings outside firms, which depress investment and therefore inhibit growth. The relative strength of these two factors determines the long-run rate of growth. The contemporary relevance of this argument, in a world of rapid technological progress but also of financial liberalisation and growth of rentier incomes, is worth noting.

Jayati Ghosh, “Michal Kalecki and the Economics of Development

This whole article is a great overview of the relevance of my favorite economist, Michał Kalecki. 

The passage here is about Kalecki’s model of growth in a capitalist economy. This is, I gather, different from what’s often called the Kalckian growth model, which was worked out by Joan Robinson and others using some of Kalecki’s ideas after his death. Kalecki’s actual model of growth didn’t really exist, because, as the quote above refers to, he didn’t actually believe that growth was actually produced by capitalist mechanics, but by other factors. In his words: “my criticism of capitalism goes even further than that of Karl Marx. Marx took an expansion of capitalism for granted, whereas I think that you have to explain this by some exogenous factors.”

 I’ve been doing a bit of reading on different Keynesian and post-Keynesian models of capitalist growth, and they all seem to have various shortcomings. Also, if I had to guess, I’d say that we won’t get around to working out the mechanics of growth in a capitalist economy until we no longer have the resources to make such a thing possible. In the meantime, I’ll post some more about what I can figure out about such things.



Neoliberal hack vs. Bangladeshi protesters

Matt Yglesias:

Bangladesh is a lot poorer than the United States, and there are very good reasons for Bangladeshi people to make different choices in this regard than Americans. That’s true whether you’re talking about an individual calculus or a collective calculus. Safety rules that are appropriate for the United States would be unnecessarily immiserating in much poorer Bangladesh. Rules that are appropriate in Bangladesh would be far too flimsy for the richer and more risk-averse United States.

Protesters at Bangladesh’s garment factories:

Some 1,500 workers marched to the Dhaka headquarters of the main manufacturers association, demanding the owners of the collapsed factories be punished.

“The owners must be hanged,” one protester cried, as others tried to lay siege to the headquarters.

Maybe, and this might just be crazy talk, the safety standards in Bangladeshi garment factories are not decided by welfare-enhancing choices made by the people of Bangladesh, but rather forced on them by the massive disparities in wealth and power that are the hallmark of modern, corporate, globalized capitalism. Slate pays Matt Yglesias good money to avoid falling prey to this type of crazy talk, though.

 


Capitalism!



In 2012, the top 25 hedgies collectively earned $14.14 billion in 2012. That’s the lowest since 2008, but down only 2% from 2011. It is also equivalent to the collective income of 1.3 million of the poorer households in the U.S.
Doug Henwood of Left Business Observer, filling us in on Institutional Investor’s annual list of the top earning hedge fund managers. Just in case you had wondered if capitalism had suddenly been reformed in the past year and stopped funneling wealth to a small number of incredibly rich people. It hasn’t.


The will of the capitalist is certainly to take as much as possible. What we have to do is not to talk about his will, but to enquire into his power, the limits of that power, and the character of those limits.


Labour must have no illusions about the great fight which will be waged against these groups [of capitalist interests]. They will resist fiercely because what is at stake is not so much their profits as their personal and social power, which takes two forms: power in society as a whole, and power over workers in industry. As long as the first form of power remains, all the efforts of the workers in the factories and through the trade unions to diminish the second form of power can only have limited success. The fight for workers’ rights in industry and for more effective workers’ representation, through such things as workers’ councils and production committees, is, of course, of very great importance and, as we shall show later, it has a vital part to play in the total struggle against the capitalists. But it can never be a substitute for the necessary political fight to destroy the power wielded over society as a whole by the great capitalist interest-groups.

These great groups—the banks and insurance companies, the iron and steel trades, the big trusts and combines like Imperial Chemicals, Unilever, Courtalds, General Electric, the oil and rubber companies, and so on—are today great independent societies which constitute a state (or a series of states) within the state, subject to their own internal laws and agreements and able, by their own decisions, to control the lives of millions of human beings. Their economic power is supported by the political power which they exercise through innumerable personal contacts in other branches of industry and commerce, in the Tory Party, in the Civil Service, in the higher ranks of the armed forces, the judiciary and the professions—in short, all that forms part of the complex which we call ‘the ruling classes’. Their power is, in fact, a class power and, as long as this class power remains unbroken, the ability of the leading capitalist groups to run things in their way—and, at worst, to sabotage—is enormous. This power exercised in a variety of subtle ways which no formal laws—no mere legislative decisions of a Labour government, for example—can break. It can only be broken by destroying not merely their political influence, but what is its real basis, their economic power in the great productive forces over which they exercise practically unchallenged control.

Michał Kalecki, “The Essentials of Democratic Planning” in which my favorite economist offers his advice to the UK’s Labour Party in 1942. Labour would indeed go on to win in the following election, but never did take Kalecki’s advice to maintain full employment policies in the face of resistance from the capitalist class.

I think the basic idea is sound. Basic Keynesian policies can be used to guarantee full employment, which erodes the class power of the capitalists, and puts more power in the hands of the working class. Thus, a more radical politics becomes possible. Of course, the capitalist class knows that guaranteed full employment would eventually destroy their class power, and put mobilizing politically against it ahead of their own profits. The big question is how to withstand this pressure. Labour in the 1950s and 60s always backed off full employment policies. Kalecki described this as the “political business cycle.” The same dynamic seems evident today.



The juxtaposition could not have been more ironic. As Congress fretted over whether machinists at GE who were members of the United Electrical Workers (UE) might have Communist sympathies (and therefore be a national threat), letters ending with the valediction “Heil Hitler” were being admitted into evidence showing a several-year-long conspiracy between Krupp and GE that had actually endangered national security. In what should have been the trial of the century sat only one journalist, James Lerner of the UE News.

Moshe Marvit at In These Times, “War, Fascism and General Electric

Sure, the events in question took place in 1947. It’s still entirely emblematic of the relationships involved in modern capitalism.



Talk about buying low and selling high. Gazprom, Russia’s state-owned oil company, reportedly offered to bail out Cyprus’s troubled financial sector in exchange for exploration rights to the country’s natural gas.

Hence Gazprom sweeping in with its “friendlier” rescue offer. It’s not clear if they wanted to take over the entire bailout, which would cost roughly €16 billion, or merely the depositor bail-in of €5.8 billion, but either way they’d be getting a pretty rock-solid deal: The gas reserves could be worth as much as €300 billion, though it would likely take about seven years of development to start exporting gas and collecting revenue, not to mention fears of competing claims on the reserves from Turkey.

Tim Fernholz, “Gazprom’s audacious offer to bail out Cyprus in return for its natural gas

Ain’t modern capitalism grand! There’s always something that can be privatized to pay off some debt that a different set of companies stuck the population with.



Equality of Opportunity, Right?

It occurs to me that putting those last two quotes I blogged together makes for a striking contrast to between the way our society treats the children of the rich and the children of the poor. It always gets to me when free-market types decry attempts to create “equality of outcome” and claim that they want to preserve “equality of opportunity.” Frankly, it’s just bullshit. There’s no such thing as “equality of opportunity” in a capitalist society. Some children have parents that provide executive concierge services to plan their golf-themed 21st birthday parties, and some kids find themselves handcuffed to a railing for not wearing a belt.